The Rise and Fall of a Jewish Kingdom in Arabia - Yemen
By Glen W. Bowersock
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The negus Kaleb celebrated his campaign in Arabia with an inscription set up in Axum. The text is in classical Ethiopic but written in South Arabian script (right to left). Note the cross at the left end of the first line.
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In these turbulent times in the Middle East, I have found myself working on the rise and fall of a late antique Jewish kingdom along the Red Sea in the Arabian peninsula. Friends and colleagues alike have reacted with amazement and disbelief when I have told them about the history I have been looking at. In the southwestern part of Arabia, known in antiquity as Himyar and corresponding today approximately with Yemen, the local population converted to Judaism at some point in the late fourth century, and by about 425 a Jewish kingdom had already taken shape. For just over a century after that, its kings ruled, with one brief interruption, over a religious state that was explicitly dedicated to the observance of Judaism and the persecution of its Christian population. The record survived over many centuries in Arabic historical writings, as well as in Greek and Syriac accounts of martyred Christians, but incredulous scholars had long been inclined to see little more than a local monotheism overlaid with language and features borrowed from Jews who had settled in the area. It is only within recent decades that enough inscribed stones have turned up to prove definitively the veracity of these surprising accounts. We can now say that an entire nation of ethnic Arabs in southwestern Arabia had converted to Judaism and imposed it as the state religion.
This bizarre but militant kingdom in Himyar was eventually overthrown by an invasion of forces from Christian Ethiopia, across the Red Sea. They set sail from East Africa, where they were joined by reinforcements from the Christian emperor in Constantinople. In the territory of Himyar, they engaged and destroyed the armies of the Jewish king and finally brought an end to what was arguably the most improbable, yet portentous, upheaval in the history of pre-Islamic Arabia. Few scholars, apart from specialists in ancient South Arabia or early Christian Ethiopia, have been aware of these events. A vigorous team led by Christian Julien Robin in Paris has pioneered research on the Jewish kingdom in Himyar, and one of the Institute’s former Members, Andrei Korotayev, a Russian scholar who has worked in Yemen and was at the Institute in 2003–04, has also contributed to recovering this lost chapter of late antique Middle Eastern history.
The Institute for Advanced Study is the perfect place for research on something that cuts so dramatically across the traditional boundaries of historical studies, and my own work has been greatly enriched by Faculty and Members in Classics, Near Eastern studies, Byzantine history, and early Islam. No one can look at the kingdom of Jewish Arabia without reference to the Ethiopians at Axum in East Africa, the Byzantines in Constantinople, the Jews in Jerusalem, the Sasanian Persians in Mesopotamia, or the Arab sheikhs who controlled the great tribes of the desert. Soon after 523, all these powerful interests had to confront a savage pogrom that Joseph, the Jewish king of the Arabs, launched against the Christians in the city of Najran. Joseph himself reported in excruciating detail to his Arab and Persian allies on the massacres he had inflicted on all Christians who refused to convert to Judaism. News of his infamous actions rapidly spread across the Middle East. A Christian who happened to be present at a meeting of an Arab sheikh at which Joseph had boasted of the persecution was horrified and immediately sent out letters to inform Christian communities elsewhere. When word of the pogrom reached Axum in Ethiopia, the king there—negus, as he was called—seized the opportunity to rally his troops and cross the Red Sea in aid of the Arabian Christians. But his motives were less than pure, since he and his predecessor had long cherished an irredentist ambition to invade southwestern Arabia, where Ethiopians had themselves once ruled in the third century. At the same time, the negus was able to oblige the Byzantine emperor, who had similarly more than religious motivation for attacking the Jewish Arabs of Himyar. The Persians had been supporting the Jews, and Persia was the archrival of Constantinople for control of the lands of the eastern Mediterranean.
Yet religion undoubtedly provided the common denominator for what proved to be widespread international interference in Arabian affairs. The Ethiopians used their Christian faith to carry out a mission that not only favored their own imperialist designs but, at the same time, supported the Byzantine emperor, for whom a desire to undermine the Persian empire reinforced his Christian zeal in attacking the Arabian Jews. Both the converts and Jewish settlers from an earlier era who lived in Yathrib (the future Medina) profited from Persian sympathy, as did at least one large tribal confederation in the desert. The only losers in these diplomatic and military initiatives were the traditional Arab pagans who had survived outside Joseph’s realm. They could be found farther north in the peninsula, precisely where, a half-century later, the prophet Muhammad would be born. What became the Ka‘ba of Islam had begun as the shrine of the pagan deity Hubal.
The Jewish kingdom of Arabia came to an end in 525, when the Ethiopians replaced it with a Christian kingdom of their own, but the legacy of Joseph’s persecution left its traces in the Arabic, Syriac, and Greek traditions. Persian sympathy for the Jews generally continued undiminished, particularly when they themselves managed to expel the Ethiopian overlords of Himyar on the eve of Muhammad’s birth, allegedly in 570 or thereabouts. By the time the Persians captured Jerusalem, it was their well-known preference for Jews that explains the enthusiasm with which the Jewish population welcomed the invaders into the city, even as they drove out and killed its Christians.
This extraordinary history of Jewish Arabia in the sixth-century history of the Red Sea region provides an indispensable and much neglected backdrop for the collapse of the Persian empire before the Byzantines as well as, obviously, the rise of Islam.
Glen W. Bowersock is Professor Emeritus of Ancient History in the School of Historical Studies. In April 2011, he presented this material in Jerusalem during his lectures in memory of Menahem Stern, and he will develop it further in a book, The Adulis Throne, to be published by Oxford University Press.
Himyarite Kingdom
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"Himyar" redirects here. For other uses, see Himyar (disambiguation).
| Himyarite Kingdom | |||||
| مملكة حِمْيَر | |||||
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Ḥimyarite Kingdom (red) in the 3rd century CE.
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| Capital | Zafar Sana'a (poss. 500s) | ||||
| Languages | Ḥimyarite | ||||
| Religion | Semitic paganism and after 390 CE Judaism | ||||
| Government | Monarchy | ||||
| King | |||||
| • | 490s-500s | Abu Kariba Assad | |||
| • | 500s-510s | Dhū-Shanatir | |||
| • | 510s | Dhū-Shanatir | |||
| • | 510s-525 | Dhū Nuwās | |||
| Historical era | Antiquity | ||||
| • | Established | 110 BCE | |||
| • | Disestablished | 525 CE | |||
The Ḥimyarite Kingdom or Ḥimyar (in Arabic مملكة حِمْيَر Mamlakat Ḥimyar) (Hebrew: ממלכת חִמְיָר) (Flourished 110 BCE–520s CE), historically referred to as the Homerite Kingdom by the Greeks and the Romans, was a kingdom in ancient Yemen. Established in 110 BCE, it took as its capital the modern-day city of Sana'a after the ancient city of Zafar. The Kingdom conquered neighbouring Saba' (Sheba) in c. 25 BCE (for the first time), Qataban in c. 200 CE, and Haḍramaut c. 300 CE. Its political fortunes relative to Saba' changed frequently until it finally conquered the Sabaean Kingdom around 280 CE.[1] Himyar then endured until it finally fell to Christian invaders in 525 CE.
Contents
[hide]History[edit]
The Ḥimyarite Kingdom was the dominant polity in Arabia until 525. Its economy was based on agriculture, and foreign trade centered on the export of frankincense and myrrh. For many years, the kingdom was also the major intermediary linking East Africa and the Mediterranean world. This trade largely consisted of exporting ivory from Africa to be sold in the Roman Empire. Ships from Ḥimyar regularly traveled the East African coast, and the state also exerted a large amount of Influence both cultural religious and political to the trading cities of East Africa whilst the cities of East Africa remained independent. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea describes the trading empire of Himyar and its ruler Charibael (Karab Il Watar Yuhan'em II), who is said to have been on friendly terms with Rome:
Early period (115 BCE until 300 CE)[edit]
During this period, the Kingdom of Ḥimyar conquered the kingdoms of Saba' and Qataban and took Raydan/Zafar for its capital, instead of Ma’rib. In the early 2nd century CE Saba' and Qataban split from the Kingdom of Ḥimyar; yet in a few decades Qataban was conquered by Hadramawt (conquered in its turn by Ḥimyar in the 4th century CE), whereas Saba' was finally conquered by Ḥimyar in the late 3rd century CE.[3]
Zafar's ruins still lie on Mudawwar Mountain near the town of Yarim. During this period, they began to decline and fall. Their trade failed to a very great extent, firstly, because of the Nabetaean domain over the north ofḤijāz; secondly, because of the Roman superiority over the naval trade routes after the Roman conquest of Egypt, Syria and the north of Hijaz; and thirdly, because of intertribal warfare. Thanks to the three above-mentioned factors, families of Qaḥṭān were disunited and scattered about all over Arabia.
Jewish monarchy[edit]
The Himyarite kings appear to have abandoned polytheism and converted to Judaism around the year 380, several decades after the conversion of the Ethiopian kingdom of Aksum to Christianity (340 CE), though no changes occurred in its script or calendar or language (unlike Aksum).[4] This date marks the end of an era in which numerous inscriptions record the names and deeds of Kings, and dedicate buildings to local (e.g. Wagal and Simyada) and major (e.g. Almaqah) gods. From the 380s, temples were abandoned and dedications to the old gods ceased, replaced by references to Rahmanan, "the Lord of Heaven" or "Lord of Heaven and Earth".[5]The political context for this conversion may have been Arabia's interest in maintaining neutrality and good trade relations with the competing empires of Christian Byzantium and Zoroastrian Persia.[6]
One of the first Jewish kings, Tub'a Abu Kariba As'ad (r. 390-420), is believed to have converted following a military expedition into northern Arabia in an effort to eliminate Byzantine influence. The Byzantine emperors had long eyed the Arabian Peninsula and sought to control the lucrative spice trade and route to India. The Byzantines hoped to establish a protectorate by converting the inhabitants to Christianity. Some progress had been made in northern Arabia but with little success in Ḥimyar.[6]
Abu-Kariba's forces reached Yathrib and, meeting no resistance, they passed through the city, leaving the king's son behind as governor. Abu-Kariba soon received news that the people of Yathrib had killed his son. He turned back in order to wreak vengeance on the city. After cutting down the palm trees from which the inhabitants derived their main income, he laid siege to the city. The Jews of Yathrib fought side by side with their pagan neighbors.
During the siege Abu-Kariba fell severely ill. Two Jewish scholars in Yathrib, Ka'ab and Asad by name, called on the king in his camp and used their knowledge of medicine to restore him to health. While attending the king, they pleaded with him to lift the siege and make peace. The sages' appeal is said to have persuaded Abu-Kariba; he called off his attack and also embraced Judaism along with his entire army. At his insistence, the two Jewish scholars accompanied the Ḥimyarite king back to his capital, where he demanded that all his people convert to Judaism. Initially, there was great resistance, but after an ordeal had justified the king's demand and confirmed the truth of the Jewish faith, many Himyarites embraced Judaism. Some historians argue that the conversions were not due to political motivations, but that Judaism, by its philosophical, simplistic and austere nature, was attractive to the nature of the Semitic people.[7]
Abu-Kariba continued to engage in military campaigns and met his death under unclear circumstances. Some scholars believe that his own soldiers killed him. He left three sons, Ḥasan, 'Amru, and Zorah, all of whom were minors at the time. After Abu-Kariba's demise, a pagan named Dhū-Shanatir seized the throne.[6] In the reign of Subahbi'il Yakkaf, the son of Abu Karib Assad, a certain Azqir, a Christian missionary from Najrān was put to death after he had erected a chapel with a cross. Christian sources interpret the event as a martyrdom at Jewish hands -the site for his execution, Najrān, being said to have been chosen on the advice of a rabbi,[8] but indigenous sources do not mention persecutions on the grounds of faith, and it may have been merely to deter the extension of Byzantine influence.[9]
The first Aksumite invasion took place sometime in the 5th century and was triggered by the murder of some Byzantine merchants. Two Christian sources, including the Zuqnin Chronicle once attributed to Dionysius I Telmaharoyo, which was written over three centuries later, the Himyarite king motivated the killings by stating, "This is because in the countries of the Romans the Christians wickedly harass the Jews who live in their countries and kill many of them. Therefore I am putting these men to death."[10] In retaliation the Aksumites invaded the land and thereafter established a bishopric and built Christian churches in Zafar.
The Jewish monarchy in Ḥimyar ended with the reign of Yṳsuf, known as Dhū Nuwās, who in 523 attacked the Christian population of Najrān. [11] By the year 500, on the eve of the regency of Marthad'īlān Yanūf (c. 500-515) the kingdom of Himyar exercised control over much of the Arabian peninsula.[12] It was during his reign that the Himyarite kingdom began to become a tributary state of Aksum, the process concluding by the time of the reign of Ma'dīkarib Yafur (519-522), a Christian appointed by the Aksumites. A coup d'état ensued, with Dhu Nuwas, who had attempted to overthrow the dynasty several years earlier, assuming authority after killing the Aksumite garrison in Zafār. He then proceeded to engage the Ethiopian guards, and their Christian allies in the Tihāma coastal lowlands facing Abyssinia. After taking the port of Mukhawān, where he burnt down the local church, and advanced south as far as the fortress of Maddabān overlooking the Bāb-el-Mandab, where he expected Kaleb Ella Aṣbeḥa to land his fleet.[5] The campaign eventually killed between 11,500 and 14,000, and took a similar number of prisoners.[12] Mukhawān became his base, while he dispatched one of his generals, a Jewish prince by the name of Sharaḥ'īl Yaqbul dhu Yaz'an against Najrān, a predominantly Christian oasis, with a good number of Jews, which had supported with troops his earlier rebellion, but refused to recognize his authority after the massacre of the Aksumite garrison. The general blocked the caravan route connecting Najrān with Eastern Arabia.[5]
Religious culture[edit]
During this period, references to pagan gods disappeared from royal inscriptions and texts on public buildings, and were replaced by references to a single deity. Inscriptions in the Sabean language, and sometimes Hebrew, called this deity Rahmanan (the Merciful), “Lord of the Heavens and Earth,” the “God of Israel” and “Lord of the Jews.” Prayers invoking Rahmanan's blessings on the “people of Israel” often ended with the Hebrew words shalom and amen. [13]
Ancestral divisions of Himyar[edit]
- Himyar: The most famous of whose septs were Zaid Al-Jamhur, Banu Quda'a and Sakasic.
- Kahlan: The most famous of whose septs were Hamdan, Azd, Anmar, Ṭayy (today their descendants are known as Shammar), Midhhij, Kindah, Lakhm, Judham
Kahlan septs emigrated from Yemen to dwell in the different parts of the Arabian Peninsula prior to the Great Flood (Sail Al-‘Arim of Ma’rib Dam), due to the failure of trade under the Roman pressure and domain on both sea and land trade routes following Roman occupation of Egypt and Syria.
Naturally enough, the competition between Kahlan and Ḥimyar led to the evacuation of the first and the settlement of the second in Yemen.
The emigrating septs of Kahlan can be divided into four groups:
- Azd: Who, under the leadership of ‘Imrān bin ‘Amr Muzaiqbā’, wandered in Yemen, sent pioneers and finally headed northwards. Details of their emigration can be summed up as follows:
- Tha‘labah bin ‘Amr left his tribe Al-Azd for Ḥijāz and dwelt between Tha‘labiyah and Dhī Qār. When he gained strength, he headed for Madīnah where he stayed. Of his seed are Aws and Khazraj, sons of Haritha bin Tha‘labah.
- Haritha bin ‘Amr, known as Khuzā‘ah, wandered with his people in Hijaz until they came to Mar Az-Zahran. They conquered the Ḥaram, and settled in Makkah after having driven away its people, the tribe of Jurhum.
- ‘Imrān bin ‘Amr and his folks went to ‘Oman where they established the tribe of Azd whose children inhabited Tihama and were known as Azd-of-Shanu’a.
- Jafna bin ‘Amr and his family, headed for Syria where he settled and initiated the kingdom of Ghassan who was so named after a spring of water, in Ḥijāz, where they stopped on their way to Syria.
- Lakhm and Judham: Of whom was Nasr bin Rabi‘a, father of Manadhira, Kings of Heerah.
- Banū Ṭayy: Who also emigrated northwards to settle by the so- called Aja and Salma Mountains which were consequently named as Tai’ Mountains. The tribe later became the tribe of Shammar.
- Kindah: Who dwelt in Bahrain but were expelled to Hadramout and Najd where they instituted a powerful government but not for long, for the whole tribe soon faded away.
Another tribe of Himyar, known as Banū Quḑā'ah, also left Yemen and dwelt in Samāwah on the borders of Iraq.
However, the majority of the Ḥimyar Christian royalty migrated into Jordan, Al-Karak, where initially they were known as Banū Ḥimyar (Sons of Ḥimyar). They later on moved to central Jordan to settle in Madaba under the family name of Al-Hamarneh.
Language[edit]
It is a matter of debate whether the Himyarite language (Semitic, but not Ṣayhadic) was spoken in the south-western Arabian peninsula until the 10th century.
Kings of Saba' and Ḥimyar[edit]
| Mukribs of Saba' | |
|---|---|
| 1 | Yatha' Amar Bayin I |
| 2 | Yada' Il Bayin I |
| 3 | Samah Ali Yanuf I |
| 4 | Yatha' Amar Watar I |
| 5 | Yakrib Malek Zarih |
| 6 | Yakrib Malek Watar I |
| 7 | Samah Ali Yanuf II |
| 8 | Yada' Il Bayin II |
| 9 | Yatha' Amar Watar II |
| 10 | Yada' Ab I |
| 11 | Yada' Il Bayin III |
| 12 | Yakrib Malek Watar II |
| 13 | Yatha' Amar Bayin II |
| 14 | Karab Il Watar I |
| 15 | Yada' Ab II |
| 16 | Akh Karab |
| 17 | Samah Ali Watar |
| 18 | Yada' Il Zarih son of 17 |
| 19 | Samah Ali Yanuf III son of 18 |
| 20 | Yatha' Amar Watar III son of 18 |
| 21 | Yada' Il Bayin IV son of 20 |
| 22 | Yada' Il Watar I son of 20 |
| 23 | Zamir Ali Zarih I son of 21 |
| 24 | Yatha' Amar Watar IV son of Samah Ali Yanuf son of 20 |
| 25 | Karab Il Bayin I son of 24 |
| 26 | Samah Ali Yanuf IV son of 24 |
| 27 | Zamir Ali Watar son of 26 |
| 28 | Samah Ali Yanuf V son of 27 |
| 29 | Yatha' Amar Bayin III son of 28 |
| 30 | Yakrib Malek Watar III |
| 31 | Zamir Ali Yanuf son of 30 |
| Kings of Saba' | |
| 32 | Karab Il Watar II son of 31 |
| 33 | Samah Ali Zarih son of 32 |
| 34 | Karab Il Watar III son of 33 |
| 35 | Il Sharih I son of 33 |
| 36 | Yada' Il Bayin V son of 34 |
| 37 | Yakrib Malek Watar IV son of 36 |
| 38 | Yatha' Amar Bayin IV son of 37 |
| 39 | Karab Il Watar IV son of 38 |
| 40 | Yada' Il Bayin VI son of 39 |
| 41 | Samah Ali Yanuf VI son of 39 |
| 42 | Yatha' Amar Watar V son of 39 |
| 43 | Il Sharih II son of 41 |
| 44 | Zamir Ali Bayin I son of 41 |
| 45 | Yada' Il Watar II son of 44 |
| 46 | Zamir Ali Bayin II son of 45 |
| 47 | Samah Ali Yanuf VII son of 46 |
| 48 | Karab Il Watar V son of 46? |
| 49 | Karab Yuhan'em son of Ham Athat |
| 50 | Karab Il Watar VI son of 49 |
| 51 | Wahab Shamsam son of Halik Amar |
| 52 | Wahab Il Yahiz I son of Saraw |
| 53 | Anmar Yuha'man I son of 52 |
| 54 | Zamir Ali Zarih II son of 53 |
| 55 | Nasha Karab Yuha'man son of 54 |
| 56 | Wahab Il Yahiz II |
| 57 | Zamir Ali Bayin III |
| 58 | Anmar Yuha'man II son of 56 |
| 59 | Yasir Yuhan'em I |
| 60 | Shamir Yuhar'esh I son of 59 |
| 61 | Yarim Aymin son of Awsalat Rafshan |
| 62 | Karab Il Watar Yuhan'em I son of 56 |
| 63 | Alhan Nahfan son of 61 |
| 64 | Far'am Yanhab |
| Kings of Saba' & Ziridan | |
| 65 | Sha'ram Awtar son of 63 |
| 66 | Il Sharih Yahzib son of 64 |
| 67 | Yazil Bayin son of 64 |
| 68 | Hayu Athtar Yazi' son of 65? |
| 69 | Karab Il Watar Yuhan'em II son of 57 |
| 70 | Watar Yuha'min son of 66 |
| 71 | Zamir Ali Zarih III son of 69 |
| 72 | Nasha Karab Yuha'min Yuharhib son of 66 |
| 73 | Karab Il Bayin II son of 71 |
| 74 | Yasir Yuhasdiq |
| 75 | Sa'd Shams Asri' son of 66 |
| 76 | Murthid Yuhahmid son of 75 |
| 77 | Zamir Ali Yahbir I son of 74 |
| 78 | Tharin Ya'ib Yuhan'im son of 77 |
| 79 | Zamir Ali Yahbir II son of 78 |
| 80 | Shamdar Yuhan'im |
| 81 | Amdan Bayin Yuhaqbiz |
| 82 | Hutar Athat Yafish |
| 83 | Karab Athat Yuhaqbiz |
| 84 | Shahar Aymin |
| 85 | Rab Shams Namran |
| 86 | Il Ez Nawfan Yuhasdiq |
| 87 | Sa'd Um Namran |
| 88 | Yasir Yuhan'em II |
| Kings of Saba' & Ziridan & Hazarmut & Yamnit | |
| 89 | Shamir Yuhar'esh II son of 88 |
| 90 | Yarim Yuharhib son of 89 |
| 91 | Yasir Yuhan'im III son of 89 |
| 92 | Tharin Ayfi' son of 91 |
| 93 | Zari' Amar Aymin I son of 91 |
| 94 | Karab Il Watar Yuhan'em III |
| 95 | Tharin Yakrib son of 89 |
| 96 | Zamir Ali Yahbir III son of 95 |
| 97 | Tharin Yuhan'im son of 96 |
| 98 | Malki Karab Yuha'min son of 97 |
| 99 | Zari' Amar Aymin II son of 98 |
| 100 | Ab Karab As'id son of 98 |
| 101 | Hasan Yuha'min son of 100 |
| 102 | Sharhib Il Ya'fir son of 100 |
| 103 | Sharhib Il Yakif |
| 104 | Mu'di Karab Yan'im son of 103 |
| 105 | Luhay'ath Yanuf son of 103 |
| 106 | Nawfim son of 103 |
| 107 | Murthid Alan Yanuf |
| 108 | Mu'di Karab Ya'fir |
| 109 | Yusif Asar |
See also[edit]
- Ancient history of Yemen
- Rulers of Sheba and Himyar
- Tub'a Abu Kariba As'ad
- Yemenite Jews
- Zafar, Yemen
- Ethiopian–Persian wars
References[edit]
- ^ See, e.g, Bafaqih 1990.
- ^ Source
- ^ Korotayev A. Pre-Islamic Yemen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1996.
- ^ Christian Julien Robin,'Arabia and Ethiopia,'in Scott Johnson (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity, Oxford University Press 2012 pp.247-333, p.279.
- ^ a b c Norbert Nebes, 'The Martyrs of Najrān and End of the Ḥimyar: On the Political History of South Arabia in the Early Sixth Century,' the Angelika Neuwirth, Nicolai Sinai, Michael Marx (eds.), The Qur'ān in Context: Historical and Literary Investigations Into the Qur'ānic Milieu,BRILL 2010 pp.27-60, p.43.
- ^ a b c "The Jewish Kingdom of Himyar (Yemen): Its Rise and Fall," by Jacob Adler, Midstream, May/June 2000 Volume XXXXVI No. 4
- ^ P. Yule, Himyar Spätantike im Jemen, Late Antique Yemen, Aichwald, 2007, p. 98-99
- ^ Shlomo Sand, The Invention of the Jewish People, Verso 2009 p.194.
- ^ Robert Hoyland,Arabia and the Arabs: From the Bronze Age to the Coming of Islam, Routledge,2001 p.51.
- ^ Christopher Haas, 'Geopolitics and Georgian Identity in Late Antiquity: The Dangerous World of Vakhtang Gorgasali,' in Tamar Nutsubidze, Cornelia B. Horn, Basil Lourié(eds.),Georgian Christian Thought and Its Cultural Context, BRILL pp.29-44, p.39.
- ^ G.W. Bowersock, The Rise and Fall of a Jewish Kingdom in Arabia, Institute for Advanced Studies, Princeton, 2011, [1]; The Adulis Throne, Oxford University Press, in press.
- ^ a b Christian Julien Robin,'Arabia and Ethiopia,'in Scott Johnson (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity, Oxford University Press 2012 pp.247-333.p.282
- ^ Before Islam: When Saudi Arabia Was a Jewish Kingdom
Bibliography[edit]
- Alessandro de Maigret. Arabia Felix, translated Rebecca Thompson. London: Stacey International, 2002. ISBN 1-900988-07-0
- Andrey Korotayev. Ancient Yemen. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN 0-19-922237-1.
- Andrey Korotayev. Pre-Islamic Yemen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1996. ISBN 3-447-03679-6.
- Bafaqīh, M. ‛A., L'unification du Yémen antique. La lutte entre Saba’, Himyar et le Hadramawt de Ier au IIIème siècle de l'ère chrétienne. Paris, 1990 (Bibliothèque de Raydan, 1).
- Paul Yule, Himyar Late Antique Yemen/Die Spätantike im Jemen, Aichwald, 2007, ISBN 978-3-929290-35-6
- Paul Yule, Zafar-The Capital of the Ancient Himyarite Empire Rediscovered, Jemen-Report 36, 2005, 22-29
- Paul Yule, (ed.), Late Antique Arabia Ẓafār, Capital of Ḥimyar, Rehabilitation of a ‘Decadent’ Society, Excavations of the Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg 1998–2010 in the Highlands of the Yemen, Abhandlungen Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft, vol. 29, Wiesbaden 2013, ISSN 0417-2442, ISBN 978-3-447-06935-9
- Joseph Adler, "The Jewish Kingdom of Himyar (Yemen): Its Rise and Fall" Midstream, May/June 2000, Volume XXXXVI, No. 4
- R. Stupperich–P. Yule, Ḥimyarite Period Bronze Sculptural Groups from the Yemenite Highlands, in: A. Sedov (ed.), Arabian and Islamic Studies A Collection of Papers in Honour of Mikhail Borishovic Piotrovskij on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, Moscow, 2014, 338–67. ISBN 978-5-903417-63-6
External links[edit]
- friesian.com, Islam by Kelley L. Ross, Ph.D.
- archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de
- heidicon.ub.uni-heidelberg.de
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